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American Federation of Government Employees

AFGE OPPOSES ALL FORMS OF SOCIAL SECURITY PRIVATIZATION

The American Federation of Government Employees, AFL-CIO (AFGE) is equally opposed to privatizing Social Security into a system of individual accounts or privatizing the investment of the OASDI Trust Fund.

The arguments against individual accounts are well known: They undermine the progressive character of the program, they put too much risk on individuals, they are inefficient (costing hundreds of millions in unnecessary fees and profits to Wall Street firms), and the transition is costly, requiring tax increases, benefit cuts, and/or retirement age increases.

AFGE's opposition to "collective" or "direct government" stock market investment have to do with: (a) the impact on the federal budget, (b) the loss of democratic/popular control over the investment of the Trust Fund, (c) the inherent risks to benefits, and (d) the fact that the "rate of return" arguments which favor privatization cannot be reconciled with the Social Security Trustees' projections of a Social Security solvency problem.

  • Collective private investment would have an enormous and harmful impact on the federal budget. Investing even as little as 40 to 50 percent of the Trust Fund in private equities would require initial federal outlays of between $60 and $80 billion. In the context of balanced budget politics, this money would have to come either from spending or new taxes. We predict massive spending cuts, affecting federal jobs and benefits, as well as further general budget pressure on the programs and agencies all Americans depend on. Indeed, some backers of this proposal consider the attendant reduction in government spending its highest virtue.

  • The issue of democratic control, reflected in the debate over the benefits of private vs. public investment, is an important one for working families. Those Republicans that favor individual accounts said it would give Americans more control over the way their Social Security taxes were invested and that Democrats didn't trust people to have that control. The strength of this populist rhetoric is lost on advocates of collective private investment. While individual accounts give the illusion of control, the collective privatization plans explicitly prohibit any democratic control. Meanwhile the status quo, which provides the only real democratic control, is unappreciated for what it is.

Treasury bonds, unlike corporate bonds, are invested for the public good by those who are democratically elected to represent the public. In contrast, all plans for "collective" private investment so far have insisted upon strict rules prohibiting government "interference" in corporate governance. Trustees of a privatized financing system for Social Security would have a fiduciary responsibility to support corporate plans to maximize profits. Unfortunately, maximizing profits has increasingly come to mean shipping American jobs overseas, compromising the environment, and violating the rights of workers both in the U.S. and abroad.

  • Privatizers may hope for the best, but the majority of Americans who depend on Social Security must prepare for the worst. There have been several sustained downturns in the private equity markets since the establishment of Social Security, some of a magnitude which would have threatened the ability of a privatized Social Security Trust Fund to pay full benefits. Yet Social Security, entirely insulated from fluctuations in the private equity markets, has never missed a payment in 60 years.

There is no way that advocates of collective private investment can guarantee that if the stock market investments do not perform as promised, benefits will not be cut. On the contrary, there is every reason to believe that Americans will be told that they collectively accepted the risks of the stock market when they "agreed" to private investment and must swallow benefit cuts or tax increases to keep the system "in balance." The "political risk" from privatization easily equals the "market risk" with respect to benefit guarantees.

  • It is important to remember that the proverbial 'pot of gold" may not be waiting at the end of the rainbow. Advocates of privatization --either collective or individualized -- claim that stock market investment can "solve" Social Security's funding problems over the next 75 years by yielding a higher rate of return than the current financing system. They base this argument on models that assume economic growth in the future similar to that of the past. That assumption is inconsistent with the Social Security Trustees' projections that U.S. economic growth rate will decline from an average of roughly 3.5% over the past 75 years to 1.5% over the next 75 years. It is this questionable forecast that is used to suggest Social Security faces a funding problem beginning around 2032.

Privatization advocates cannot have their cake and eat it too. We cannot have both fast and slow economic growth in the same years. One set of projections must be wrong: Either there is no looming Social Security financing problem, or stock investments would exacerbate the problems, rather than be part of the solution.

  • The "rate of return" arguments advanced by privatization advocates are a red herring. The issue goes deeper than whether Mutual Fund appreciation is higher than a Treasury bond yield. Rate of return in the context of a social insurance program like Social Security is more profoundly about our government's role in income redistribution, and whether Social Security benefits should replace a higher portion of the pre-retirement income of low and middle-wage earners than it does for high income earners.

Social Security's progressive benefit structure gives a superior "rate of return" to those in the bottom half of the income distribution, the same Americans who are likely to rely upon Social Security for almost all of their retirement income. This group would have nothing to gain in terms of "rate of return" from any version of Social Security privatization.

  • The 50,000 workers at the Social Security Administration, represented by AFGE, are the best in the business. Private sector insurance companies and pension investment firms have administrative overhead averaging 40%, while SSA's overhead costs are just under 1% of benefits.

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