Choice One mpaign, finance, politics, public participation, money, dialogue, deliberative, democracy, national issues, Kettering, Forum, information, renaissance">


Money and Politics
Who Owns Democracy?

A project of Information Renaissance and National Issues Forums Research




Welcome

About this Event

Join the Dialogue

Briefing Book

Search

rm, that takes politics out of the hands of special interests. It is designed to level the political playing field between incumbents and challengers, attract more candidates, save money that would otherwise be spent on behalf of special interests, and restore public confidence in government.

Under this law, for example, any citizen can qualify for $24,000 in public funds to run for state representative by first collecting 200 contributions, each less than $100, and agreeing to a total spending limit of $30,000. (By comparison, incumbents in 1998 spent an average of $35,000 and, in the relatively few contested races, challengers spent an average of $18,000.)

Public funding, which is capped at one-tenth of 1 percent of the state budget and does not increase tax rates, amounts to $3.20 per resident a year. The $45 million scheduled to be spent on elections in 2002 represents a five-fold increase in current campaign spending because public funding is expected to attract so many more candidates.

The reform, which takes effect in 2002, is similar to ones recently enacted in Arizona, Vermont, and Maine. In one form or another, regulatory reform or public funding of election campaigns is currently being considered in 30 other states.

Restoring Public Confidence

Americans used to scoff at "elections" in countries with communist or dictatorial governments where unopposed leaders were routinely "re-elected" with 99.9 percent of the vote. Now many Americans scoff at our own national system, where 40 percent of state legislators run unopposed and about 90 percent of incumbents are reelected. Across America, at every level of government, most of our elections tell an undemocratic story, in this view.

Democracy cannot thrive without competition among political candidates who have enough money to inform citizens about their ideas and qualifications. To get their message across, candidates need to spend money on such things as rallies, posters, bumper stickers, lawn signs, mailings, and advertising. The problem is that more than 90 percent of political contributions comes from wealthy contributors and special interests, which often have matters pending before government. As campaign costs increase, elections become elitist fundraising competitions and the democratic principle of "one person, one vote" is corrupted into "one donor, much influence."

Money and politics have always been a dangerous mix, and the problem has mushroomed along with the costs of running an election campaign. Politicians, especially those running for major offices, find themselves on a fundraising treadmill and face the inevitable conflict of serving the moneyed interests as well as the public interest.

Proponents of this choise say that the only way to restore confidence in our political system is by re-balancing two democratic principles: political equality among citizens and political freedom to financially support political candidates. As it is now, the vast majority of Americans have lost political equality with special interests and affluent citizens who use campaign contributions to advance their interests in a money-hungry system. In this view, restoring political equality requires the nation to consider a menu of regulatory reforms and public funding options.

Advocates of publicly funded elections maintain that political campaigns are for the public good and deserve the public's financial support. Under public systems, which the U.S. Supreme Court ruled constitutional in 1976, public funds are given to politicians who accept voluntary limits on spending. Under this general concept there are many possible levels of public subsidy for election campaigns and many ways to carry out the program.

Choice One supporters also favor imposing new restrictions on contributions. For example, many supporters suggest permitting only individual citizens, not corporations or committees, to make gifts to candidates and political organizations, and restricting those donations to small amounts -- say, $250.

To improve the quality of campaigns and to keep public costs down, Choice One supporters often call for shortening campaigns, and providing free air time for public discussions. For example, supporters oftenoften urge TV and radio stations to provide free time for candidates to convey and debate their ideas. Allowing each candidate as little as 90 minutes per election would not burden broadcasters, proponents say, and they should in any event be required to provide this public service in exchange for their license to use the public airways.

It's a Civil Rights Issue

Choice One supporters who advocate publicly funded elections see their cause as nothing less than a fight for voters' civil rights. After all, the nation has come a long way since the days when only white, male property owners could vote. Over the years, Congress and the courts have removed many barriers to voting including property, gender, race, age qualifications, poll taxes, and high filing fees for candidates. In striking down these barriers courts have followed the democratic principle that every law-abiding adult citizen should have an equal vote and equal political power.

But today, the biggest barrier to fair elections and equal voting rights is what supporters call the "wealth primary," a term coined to describe the fundraising competition that precedes -- and, to an astonishing extent, predetermines -- the outcome of official elections. While money can't buy elections, lack of it can lose them. Consequently, supporters believe that most elections are foregone conclusions because the candidates who raise the most money in the private wealth primary almost invariably win the official elections. Consider the impact of the wealth primaries in the 1998 elections for the U.S. House of Representatives, where citizens are supposed to have the closest ties to federal government. Choice One maintains that most elections were essentially over when a majority of incumbents entered the race with their campaign war chests overflowing with cash. With this money, they scared off competition and vastly outspent rivals. As a result, one in five races was uncontested by a major party opponent, and three out of four incumbents beat their under-funded challengers by landslide margins (more than 20 percent) -- including landslide wins in every House race in 11 states.

Moreover, elected officials have to spend inordinate amounts of time raising money for their next election -- and that's a powerful threat to an effective government. U.S. senators, for example, have to raise an average of $2,000 a day every day during their entire six-year term to run competitive elections.

Reforms Revive Democracy

While Choice One argues for a menu of reform ideas, it is common for states to enact a combination of anticorruption rules and public funding. Minnesota, for instance, has obtained nearly 100 percent participation by candidates in its voluntary public funding system. The innovative program reimburses voters for individual donations of up to $50 and drastically limits the influence of big donors. For example, candidates cannot accept gifts over $500 from any one source except a political party, which can give a candidate only up to $5,000. As a result, uncontested elections are a rarity, races have more candidates competing, and the state has one of the nation's highest rates of voter participation.

What Can Be Done?

Choice One supporters generally favor the following measures:

Reduce the power of special interests and big donors with an approach that includes stricter regulations or publicly funded elections, or some combination of both.

Consider using tax dollars to finance election campaigns as a way to end the corrupting influence of private money in politics. For example:

  • Use one of many innovative ways to finance elections, such as direct grants to qualifying candidates or direct payment of certain campaign expenses.
  • Incorporate the cost of publicly funding elections into budgets at every level of government.
  • To ensure that public funds don't go to fringe candidates with almost no support, make candidates qualify for public funds by demonstrating some minimum level of public support, perhaps by raising small sums from many voters or by collecting voters' signatures endorsing their candidacy.

Consider tightening regulations on campaign fundraising. For example:

  • Permit only individual citizens to make political contributions, and limit all donations to small amounts of money, such as $250 per candidate per election.
  • Ban political gifts from out-of-state or out-of-district, making it as illegal as out-of-state or out-of-district voting. Ban all foreign contributions.
  • Ban all unlimited political contributions, such as the "soft money" donations to political parties, which are then siphoned off to favoriate candidates, often incumbents.
  • Level the playing field between incumbents and challengers. For example, suspend the congressional privilege of free postage during election years.
  • Require radio and TV broadcasters, as a condition of their license to use public airways, to provide free air time to candidates (for example, 90 minutes per candidate per election).

In This View

  • Politicians can't simultaneously serve the public interest and the moneyed interests that pay their campaign bills.
  • Privately funded elections, together with soaring campaign costs, have corrupted our entire political system by giving wealthy donors and special interests too much influence. To restore legitimacy to our political process, we need major reforms to reduce the corrupting role of private money in politics.
  • Because campaigns are so expensive, elected officials have to spend a huge amount of time raising money instead of doing their job.
  • If the American people are to regain control of the government, they may have to pay for election campaigns. Publicly funding elections could save taxpayers money in the long run by reducing wasteful government spending on tax loopholes for corporations and pork barrel projects for special interests.
  • The role of big money in politics has robbed most Americans of political equality. To restore it, contributions must only come from individual citizens and be limited to small amounts.
  • Providing free air time to candidates would make election campaigns more substantive and more democratic. Americans are sick of the flood of 30-second ads that are little more than slogans and slurs.
  • With Choice One's reforms, our elected officials would be freed from real and apparent conflicts of interest and be more able to focus on the common good.

In Contrary Views

  • Do taxpayers really want to pay for the campaigns of politicians they oppose or for fringe candidates to get up on soap-boxes? Thanks to public funding, federal taxpayers may subsidize the 2000 primary campaign of Lyndon LaRouche, who has called for colonizing Mars in some of his seven prior presidential campaigns. As a felon -- he was convicted of tax fraud in 1989 -- some states wouldn't allow him to vote, but he can run for President and may be eligible for public matching funds.
  • Americans have not supported public funding. Despite the fact that it doesn't cost them anything, the number of taxpayers who have assigned $1 to $3 of their federal tax payment to the presidential campaign fund has steadily declined to under 15 percent.
  • Are Choice One supporters suggesting that the only fair system is one in which they win elections more often? Rigging the system with new regulations or public funds so they win isn't democratic.
  • This choice goes way too far with new regulations. Why, for example, restrict donations from individual citizens?
  • This choice maligns "special interests," yet there is nothing wrong with like-minded retailers, insurers, teachers, or fire fighters assembling organizations that promote their self-interests. That's America.
  • This choice attempts to reduce the power of money in election campaigns, but the more worrisome problem of money in politics comes from lobbying done year-round by special interests.

For Further Reading / Reform the Campaign Fund-Raising System

  • Dan Clawson and others, Dollars and Votes: How Business Campaign Contributions Subvert Democracy (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1998).
  • Darrell West and Burdett Loomis, The Sound of Money: How Political Interests Get What They Want (New York, N.Y.: W.W. Norton, 1999).
  • www.publicampaign.org is the Web site for Public Campaign, a Washington, D.C., based non-profit organization that seeks to change the money culture that has taken over politics.

Contents Introduction Choice 1 Choice 2 Choice 3 Summary


Money and Politics
Who Owns Democracy?

A project of Information Renaissance and National Issues Forums Research




Welcome

About this Event

Join the Dialogue

Briefing Book

Search


Welcome | About this Event | Join the Dialogue | Briefing Book | Search